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21 Eylül 2011 Çarşamba

The Forbidden Modern: Civilization and Veiling, Book Review

There is no doubt that Nilüfer Göle’s book The Forbidden Modern: Civilization and Veiling, has greatly analyzed the Turkish Modernization which started from the early 19th century to the onwards, from the perspective of ‘women’ by taking the policies, tendencies, movements that have affected the woman to the basis. I consider her work as a feministic one and in my opinion it is the most useful method on issue of “veiling”. At the first glance Göle seems to be primarily studying the veiling issue in her work, however, when we look at her method of studying it, we see that she is actually making an experiment on two several things like: the nature and the aim of veiling in Turkey, the relationship between ‘veiling status of women’ (veiled or not) and level of modernization (high or low) –this greatly shows her idea that the women is the representation of civilization and modernization in modern era – , also the how the Islamist demand on the image of veiling has changed etc. In her work she puts “the kinds of women” in Turkey in two categories which are simultaneously affecting each other: women in imaginations (the expectations of ideologies on women’s lifestyle) and women in reality.

The modernist ideology in westernizer sense, Kemalism in particular, discourses a model of women as highly-educated, socialized and secular (should attend to social life, should see no sex difference between men and women, should be fulfilling the ‘needs’ of westernism and ) , working, unveiled etc. The modernist ideology in conservative Islamist sense, on the other hand, demands for just the opposite model of women, a kind of traditional style. Although we observe these models in contemporary Turkish society, we cannot conclude that these are the only models of women in Turkey. In fact, there is one model of women in Turkey that practices a kind of a hybrid style and they represent what Göle calls The Forbidden Modern, which is the re-interpretation of Islamism in Modern era. They wear hijab, fulfill the needs of their religion, also they go to university, work and appear in the social life.

Then, the concepts of forbidden and modern women have changed with this hybrid style, because it was partially opposing but partially practicing the both of the models at a time, in other words what is forbidden Islamist ideology is different than this group’s practice as what is modern for Westernizer ideology is different for them, because of this they are refused from both ideologies.

The biggest problem of modernity is the understanding of “if one thing is x, -x can’t be the x” which is in this case: “if modern women are unveiled, then the veiled women are not modern per se.” or “if we want to be modern and civilized then there is no place for veiling”. Göle denies such idea and she shows us the concrete examples of the possibility: Hijab wearing students who are critical, radical, political, researcher, active in social life and go to university. According to her participant observatory work with hijab-wearing university students; the veiling has many meanings for them, (1) it has both political and theological side (2) the forbidden modern is mainly occurred with urbanization (3) they regret and criticize the “traditional women” and many traditions that create traditional women.

Veiling with hijab has more than one aim, as she found out it is political and theological. The theological aim of veiling is as clear as the water: And tell the believing women to reduce [some] of their vision and guard their private parts and not expose their adornment except that which [necessarily] appears thereof and to wrap [a portion of] their headcovers over their chests and not expose their adornment except to their husbands, their fathers, their husbands' fathers, their sons, their husbands' sons, their brothers, their brothers' sons, their sisters' sons, their women, that which their right hands possess, or those male attendants having no physical desire, or children who are not yet aware of the private aspects of women. And let them not stamp their feet to make known what they conceal of their adornment. And turn to Allah in repentance, all of you, O believers that you might succeed.” (An-Noor: 31) The private parts of the women body must be covered to not attract the men. The political aim of veiling, on the other hand, is not same as the left-conservatives’ (Kemalists) view: “They wear hijab because of the political party says it so, they are wearing it because of the patriarchy, by force and oppression”. Hijab, in contrast, is political because of being an indicator of one’s political ideology that is Islamism (Not in the traditional sense, but in the sense that the Islamism as they live – AKP kind of represents that)

It is occurred with the urbanization, especially after big emigrations in Turkey, because the concept and the way of veiling in rural areas in Anatolia are different than in metropolises. Mostly, Anatolian women have never lived Islam in the radical ways, they do cover their heads with different type of cloth and in different way (what portion of the head is covered), moreover, these types (not its patterns, but the length) and ways are differing according to the culture of region. Therefore, their veiling is much related to religiosity then religion, the hijab, then again, in terms of its type and way is universal. The other evident why hijab is related to urbanization is that, we have not seen any debate on hijab until the mid and late-80’s Turkey; it is the time when urbanization has started to increase greater than before, the headscarf ban had issued at this decade as well. Besides all of these a girl who attended to Göle’s research reports that: I was in Imam Hatip when I was going to secondary school, I was covering my head at school, but at home I was not covering it even if there is a man… But I didn’t cover my head in Eskişehir. I came to Istanbul for high school, and then in University I started to wear hijab and jilbāb.” (Göle 2010: 123)

As Göle argued and I support, hijab wearing university students are extremely criticizing, denying and refusing the traditional women. The hijab wearing university students sees them as back warded and illiterate, because of not questioning and researching the religion by going deep into the roots (Quran, Hadiths, and Fiqh etc.) Their religiosity is considered by them as superficial, hearsay and somehow “cultural”. They both damage the image of women and religious women being and doing so. They only stay in the house, have only primary education (even lack of education), do what their husband says and grow their children. The hijab wearing students are also critical of some “traditional” ideas such as; polygamy, ‘women shouldn’t attend too much in social life’, ‘housewifery is the best work for a women’ etc. These are of course not in Islam, they say, they are just the patriarchal misinterpretations of it. In my opinion, this ideology has greatly grown in Turkey that even the right-conservative Islamist parties are today supporting it.

Briefly, Göle shows us that Islam and Islamic life is not an obstacle on the way to modernism. A country and its members can be modern and the members can practice their religion –or tradition– with no big interruptions to their modernity. Further, such kind of life style has come up with the birth of modernization of Turkey; it is actually the product of it. For instance; urbanization is modern, political view of the hijab shows the modernization, the investigator characteristic of hijab wearing students also shows their rational and positivist worldview of these women. In short, Göle tells us that; the modernism is not only exists in the appearance, but it exists also in the minds, which I strongly agree. The other interesting point in the book is that, she shows us that something that is attributed to women is always debated, subjected and tried to be controlled mostly by man, even from those who supported the westernizer modernism – I think this is significantly showing the other fail of Kemalist modernism-. Also I find her method of taking her work to the reality –applied study and participant observation technique- really well, because the sociology is not only working with theories from the table. But, I think she should put the fact of “interest” in the book because since the modern world is functioning as rational the calculability and the economic interest has become important, and to me, all these debates going on around veiling is caused by the fear of one group losing their interest. If the new minds with different ideologies would get the means of power thanks to their self-entrepreneurship, knowledge and talents, the other group of people will lose their power and interest. Because of this they always make a big deal from veiling: the hijab is just the representation of the one power in deed.

References

1. Göle, N. (2010). Modern Mahrem: Medeniyet ve Örtünme. Istanbul: Metis. (Original work published 1991)

2. The Qur'an: English Translation with Parallel Arabic Text. (2010). London: Oxford University Press. 24:31 verse.


Components of the Public and Memories of the City: A Case Study on Bayburt Clock Tower



Components of the Public and

Memories of the City: A Case Study on Bayburt Clock Tower

Salih Narman, BA

Fatih University

Istanbul, Turkey

The academic sources are various with the relationship between, on one hand, urban planning of public sphere and the people’s apprehension in those spheres and, on the other hand, further political discussions taking off from this topic. We know the public sphere from two different perspectives; first, as it is frequently described as places where powerful signs and discourses exists (Verdery 2000; Foucault 1995) and as a place where the public opinion is shaped (Habermas 1991). Therefore, with the new life–style, in which the masses live interdependently and heterogeniously in a homogenious unit; that is called city (Wirth 1991) requires some sort of competition based royalties and co–operations among the individuals, as well as between an individual and his/her environment. In many ways, this way of living is interrelated to the larger scopes of politics; for instance “Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (2003) links the regimes to the existence possibility of civic organizations”. Then, what we see in the bottom of the societies (their stories, places of living, things that they see and so on) affects the top (the state, policies, institutions etc.).

Therefore, one might call modernity as a product of the society’s natural development which brought economically capitalism and politically nation–states, however, that would be an overgeneralization, especially for those societies of which the social engineering applied for very long periods. We have been seeing this case in Turkey, as well as many others, even before its foundation as Turkish Republic. This “foundation”, there, has a special meaning than just establishing; there is a whole process of de–organization and re–organization of the “things” –our interest here is particularly on the environment– in order to create a nation.

In this paper I do not want to talk about the de–organizations –which are the composed of bloody conflicts–, rather I will focus on the re–organization of lives in a specific area with the impact of “powerful signs”. Namely, the re–organization of the public sphere and relations among the people with the impact of the clock tower, built in early years of Turkish Republic, in Bayburt. I argue that, anything that is done about, for, on, with, by the clock tower in Bayburt has a deeper connection with the creation of new Bayburt citizens who are the members of their nations.

Some might ask what is so special about the poorest and least populated city in Turkey[1] and its tiny old looking clock tower. As a person whose grandparents migrated from Dagestan to Bayburt, I have visited for couple of times my “hometown”[2], the last visit was greatly efficient, in terms of taking pictures and listening some local stories and myths about the pre–World War I period[3], from the words of aged men whom I met mostly in the villages. After my arrival to Istanbul, I had many pictures taken in various sides of the city and few belongs to watch tower, when I was looking at these pictures, I realized something very interesting with this tower. Its shape, function, definition, location, situation, and condition was manifesting far beyond its real being. Therefore, I decided to do select this case study as another step on my journey to cities, meanings and memories.

If the monuments are polyvalent that is to say; if there is polysemy (openness), ambiguity and multivocality in their voiceless existence (Verdery 2000). Then, the individuals have an authority[4] to voice them according to their tacit communications and derive meanings which are particularly model for “the outsiders” or “strangers”. But these, are also modal for the ideal presented to the locals (Anderson 1991). Therefore, these are both strategies and tactics (Certeau 1988), in terms of who use it, in a multi–directional way; the monuments built by the hands of public institutions are located in the public sphere not only for the good view, also on a plan.

From one view, the public sphere is a component of collective consumption (Castells 1983) and power relations (Harvey 2009) and on the other, a battle ground for ongoing struggle between the authorities –by discourses– and, individuals –by resistance–. In Weberian modernization perspective (1946) in a place where people used adjust themselves with sun, clocks can be possibly seen as the products of modernity and, clock towers as the manifestations of this modernity for all. Now let us see how those are connected to the clock tower in Bayburt.

In my explanatory work, I will use interview[5] and content analysis methods to examine how these theories come into scene in a clock tower, because of having proper material.

According to the interviews that I have done with the locals in Bayburt, until the forced departure in 1914, Bayburt was a place where Armenians and Turks lived together. After this period, many “anti–modern” incidents occurred; especially the one by Sheikh Eşref in Hart Village[6] during Turkish independence war took a lot of attention of the newly established government which is later on, constituted Turkish Republic. After the foundation of new government, there was a re–population of the area was needed due to the forced departure of Armenians; therefore a lot of families from Trabzon, Rize, Erzurum and those who migrated from the Caucasus were sent here. In 1924, by the command of Ataturk a clock tower started to build at the center of the city (which is not so big) and on 29 October –the Republican Day– the tower was opened with a ceremony.

This tower is one of the things that you can immediately see in the city, due to city’s under–development, and from the city the tower is seen even before Bayburt Castle, which belongs to pre–Islamic era.

Bayburt Clock Tower

This clock tower, as it is seen from the picture, is shaped as minaret and functioning as a clock, also it is opened on Republic Day. This tells us three things about the interaction between the monument and people.

First, since the distinction in terms of identity was done according to the religion at that time, the image of “Turkishness” or “Muslim” is represented by its shape. By this way, the Armenians’ existence in the past was silenced; it is also showed that, to whom these lands were ‘really’ belonging to.

Secondly, clock took the city itself from the cosmic time to modern time, limited the image of ‘us’ in the minds of the people. While the people use to be getting up with the sun or Morning Prayer, they had all the Muslims in their minds, but now the state was telling to its people that according to what their lives are going to be adjusted and of who they will think of.

Thirdly, the clock itself is a symbol and a representation of improvement (modernity), as I mentioned above. And if the Turkish Republic itself is a modernization project (Mardin 1991) then tower’s opening on Republic Day gives the message that Turkish Republic will improve (and modernize) the city much greater than Ottoman Empire.

To sum up, we have seen how the urban places and monuments can hold, in fact does, capacity to change the public opinion. Besides, as Verdery says for the dead bodies:

…They help us to see political transformation as something more than a technical process…“something more” includes meanings, feelings the sacred, ideas of morality, the non-rational –all ingredients of “legitimacy” or “regime consolidation”…yet far broader than what analyses employing those terms usually provide. (2000: 25)

The public sphere can provide these “things” in their perception, furthermore they promise for the future of the community, which actually does not necessarily come even for years. For the future research on such topics I suggest to look at the other means of re–creation or re–organization of the urban through which a whole body of politics occurs with the scenes from “memories”.

References

Anderson, Benedict. 1991. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso.

Castells, Manuel. 1984. The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

Certeau, Michel de. 1988. “Making do: Uses and Tactics” in The Practices of Everyday Life. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.

Foucault, Michel. 1995. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Vintage Books.

Habermas, Jürgen. 1991. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.

Harvey, David. 2009. Social Justice and the City. Athens, GA: The University of Georgia Press.

Mardin, Şerif. 1991. Türk Modernleşmesi. Istanbul, Turkey: İletişim.

Max, H.H. Gerth, C. Wright Mills. 1946. From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. New York: Oxford University Press.

Tocqueville, Alexis de. [1831] 2003. Democracy in America. Issac Kramnick, ed. Gerald Bevan, trans. New York: Penguin.

Verdery, Katherine. 2000. The Political Lives of Dead Bodies. New York: Columbia University Press.

Wirth, Louis. 1957. “Urbanism as a Way of Life” Pp. 46-63 in Paul K. Hatt and Albert J. Reiss Jr., ed. Cities and Society. Glencoe, IL: The Free Press.


[1] According to Turkish Statistics Institution 2011. See http://www.tuik.gov.tr/

[2] Since the early beginning of my life, me and my family move from one city to another, therefore it is so hard to call Bayburt as my hometown.

[3] The stories were mostly about the Russians who visited Bayburt after 1888-89 Ottoman–Russian war and some other were about Armenian–Turkish conflict.

[4] The meaning here is the power of creation, capability of originating.

[5] The stories told by the locals in my last visit.

[6] A religious leader who struck to the military forces during the Turkish independence war because of one sergeant’s “inappropriate” attitudes and actions. See: http://ahmetturanalkan.net/yazi/hart-vakasi-nedir-seyh-esref-kimdir/